| Volume 5 | June 1998 |
The US Army Corps of Engineers is the lead federal agency "studying" the feasibility of this Rio Salado Project, and in order to properly conduct the study, the Corps was required to prepare a Draft and Final Environmental Impact Statement, which is required of any "significant federal action." The draft EIS was out for review and comment in March 1998, and the Final EIS and Feasibility Report was prepared in April 1998. An EIS must involve the public and look at the possible environmental impacts of a proposed federal project.
Can the ecosytem along this riverbed be restored, after 50 years of dryness and floods? Once a riparian ecosystem is destroyed, it cannot simply be recreated by adding water. There are other, serious, unaddressed problems with the Rio Salado Project. These range from:
The EIS process seems to have excluded almost everyone and every group in the Environmental Justice area identified by ADEQ, which includes the area adjacent to where the Phoenix Rio Salado would locate. ADEQ's Environmental Justice Committee did sponsor a trash clean-up in the area the Rio Salado would be built, curiously enough.
The plastic liners for landfills always eventually leak, according to a study by the Government Accounting Office, and so will the clay liners of the Rio Salado Project. Restoring the riparian areas by adding water constantly might cause these landfills to be inundated (soaked with water) and seep their chemical wastes and germs into the aquifer and riverbed. When the next floods along the Salt River arrive, and they surely will, much of these 63 landfills that have been softened up by the inundation of the groundwater caused by the Rio Salado Project might wash out and along the Salt River bed.
Also, the recharge caused by the seepage and constant waterflow from the Rio Salado Project will likely affect the flow of water into and around the 19th Avenue Superfund Site, where the groundwater is about 60 feet down.[A Superfund site is a place with serious contamination, and is generally required to be contained to prevent the spread of chemical contamination, and cleaned up.] Even as recently as May 1998, there have been no studies to determine the effect the Rio Salado could have on the groundwater, nor had the EPA's own Superfund staff ever seen the Draft or Final EIS. One comment on the Draft EIS by the EPA was that the Draft EIS did "not contain sufficient information for EPA to fully assess environmental impacts that should be avoided in order to fully protect the environment." The state version of Superfund, the Water Quality Assurance Revolving Fund (WQARF), also lists many contaminated sites near the Salt River bed. The impacts of the Rio Salado on these is also mostly unstudied and unknown.
This raises the specter of what will happen when and if the Rio Salado Project is built. In the Draft EIS, mosquitoes would be controlled by "native predators" that "will be introduced or attracted to the area should mosquitoes become problematic." But it seems that once these mosquitoes become "problematic," the damage is done and it is too late. Mosquitoes can travel up to five miles from where they hatch out after the larval stage.Once there is an outbreak of any disease carried by these mosquitoes, and/or when clouds of these mosquitoes find the spectators at a night game at the baseball stadium, or in the residential areas of South Phoenix, the effect would likely be that people will avoid the downtown area and Salt River bed, and the businesses and communities nearby will likely suffer severe economic hardships. Besides, these natural controls somehow have not worked well enough at Tres Rios to prevent a problem. Fortunately, the Tres Rios Project area is sparsely populated at present; the Rio Salado Project is near hundreds of thousands. In the Draft EIS, there assertion is made that "No chemical pesticides shall be employed." The Final EIS admits that there would have to be spraying of chemical pesticides. If natural controls fail than clouds of the pesticide Malathion will surely blanket the area, as well as downtown and South Phoenix.
DON'T GO NEAR THE WATER
(See Table 1.)
|
Partial Body Contact Acute/Chronic |
Wildlife/Aquatic (warm water fishery) Acute/Chronic | |
| Fecal Coliform (cfu/100ml) | 4,000 / 1,000 | 4,000 / 1,000 |
| Arsenic (ppb) | 2,800 | 360 / 190 |
| Mercury (ppb) | 42 T | 2.4 / 0.01 |
| TCE (ppb) | 20,000 / 1,300 | |
| PCE (ppb) | 4,000 | 6,500 / 680 |
| TCA (ppb) | 13,000 | 2,600 /1600 |
| Benzene (ppb) | 470 | 2,700 /180 |
| Chloroform (ppb) | 1,400 | 14,000 / 900 |
The absence of this type of cumulative risk study further raises questions about Environmental Injustice, Environmental Racism, and Clinton's Executive Order 12898. These chemicals present a health hazard to children and weakened populations, and their cumulative effects remain unaddressed. The fecal coliform limits of 4,000 cfu/100ml acute and 1,000 cfu/100ml chronic in surface water are dangerous, more than five times the normal discharge standard as allowed by federal Clean Water Act. Children and animals can conceivably get wet and carry home diseases. If they don't, there will be plenty of flies, mosquitoes, and other vectors to do this. Tres Rios has already shown us that fecal coliform limits will be exceeded when wildlife is attracted to these wetlands.
Knowing that the Arizona Department of Health Services (ADHS) and Maricopa County health department were going to "study" the rising death rate, and expecting a flawed conclusion, especially after officials from these two agencies had already tried to brush off the community's concerns as "stress and hysteria,"the Concerned Residents of South Phoenix and DWA, held a demonstration at the state capital to ask for help.
The ADHS and county health agencies' studies looked at the census tract information, and even provided and compared the census tract data for many census tracts in South Phoenix, but compared different census tract data from areas where the smoke from the fire was known to have traveled. The government studies and press release asserted that there had not been an increase in the death rate in the census tract (1160) downwind of and adjacent to the fire. An ASU student (a DWA volunteer) showed these government agencies their simple math error, and they responded in writing about how she was wrong. The community then hired an ASU professor, an internationally-known statistical expert, to review the mortality study. When he proved that the death increase was statistically significant, the county admitted its math error and concluded the death rate had indeed increased, but blamed their fundamental "error" on a "software problem." Another interesting item that surfaced during the comparison of the death rate in census tract 1160 was that there had been a very steep increase in the number of deaths in that census tract in the time after the 1989 fire at Quality Printed Circuits and had just started to come down when the 1992 fire occurred. But no one at the government agencies that gather and study census tract death information even noticed something had happened in 1989! This lack of a "safety net" helped the community understand that something awful could happen that could harm or kill people and no one in the government was actually watching out for these types of problems. Even today, if a chemical disaster happened that caused people to die in one area, the "system" is not geared to detect this. In other words, a very large number of people have to die quickly, about the same time, and in a large area, before the government would notice or acknowledge it. And this is still not a guarantee that the government is geared to take timely action. The mortality information for a census tract is released in May for the previous calendar year. People could be suffering or dying for months before this system would even have an idea that something had gone very wrong. This is with the assumption that the government agencies would not try to cover up or refuse to discuss the problem. The Arizona Department of Environmental Quality (ADEQ) had put out a community newsletter that stated there was no significant increase in deaths in the area affected by the fire, but when the ASU professor proved there was an increase in deaths, the next ADEQ newsletter dropped the subject of the deaths, but it exhorted people to clean their homes.
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To examine the information about the death rate in census tract 1160, but to use census tracts that were not exposed to the smoke from the fire, DWA gathered the mortality information for three census tracts that were outside of the smoke plume, all the way back to 1982. These are Census tract 1158, 1164, and 1165. Census tract 1158 is bordered by Broadway, Southern, 7th Street, and 7th Avenue. Census tract 1164 is bordered by Baseline, Southern, 7th Street and 16th Street. Census tract 1165 is bordered by Southern, Baseline, 7th Street, and 7th Avenue. (The control homes used by EPA in its recent round of sampling were from this area.) Census tract 1160 is bordered by Southern, Broadway, 16th Street, and 24th Street. Using the exact same format and methods used in the original mortality studies, but using the correct math, DWA found that the death rate in these three census tracts that were outside of the smoke plume did not change too much in the last fifteen years. The death rate in census tract 1160, however, did change, remarkably, after both fires. (The graph of this information is here for you to see.) Meanwhile, the overall population of census tract 1160 has been declining by about 10% since the date of the fire. The number of deaths per year per census tract averaged over 16 years (1982-1997) is also plotted out on the graph. In general, the number of deaths per year in a census tract will flunctuate from year to year, and looking at the average annual number of deaths will perhaps help visually in determining if there is something unusual happening. (All census tracts do not have the same numbers of residents.) The average annual deaths for census tract 1158 is 38.9, and the largest margin away from this is about 11 or 12 deaths. The average annual deaths for census tract 1164 is 22.1 deaths, and the largest margin away from this is about 8 deaths. The average annual deaths for census tract 1165 is 30.3 deaths, and the largest margin away from this is about 12 deaths. But the average for census tract 1160 is 47.1, and the largest margin away from this is about 26 deaths. If we look at the number of deaths in census tract 1160 from the time of the fire in 1992 to 1997, the average annual deaths is 54.5 deaths. So it looks like census tract 1160 has a very different pattern of deaths than the other, unaffected census tracts, especially after the fire. On a final note, the information about the deaths and causes of death in the census tracts in Arizona is gathered and available to the public at the Office of Health Planning, Evaluation and Statistics of the Arizona Department of Health Services. This office of the Arizona Department of Health Services has always been helpful by providing all of the public information to those who request it. The staff in that office, however, while always expressing their sincere sympathy for the community, have also always insisted that the methods of studying the deaths used by the Arizona Department of Health Services' Office of Risk Assessment and Investigation and Maricopa County's health department is SIMPLY NOT the way these studies are conducted. The staff at the Office of Health Planning, Evaluation and Statistics of the Arizona Department of Health Services have always asserted that there is no valid way to "statistically" study such a small population of even a few thousand, that the statistical studies must always include far larger populations, and agree that there is no way currently used and recognized by statisticians to determine if many people in a small area are being killed by the toxic aftermath of a chemical disaster. This last note, of course, questions all of the work that has been done, including the state and county's earlier assurances that there was never a problem with excess deaths in the affected community, according to their "studies." All of this raises other issues in Environmental Justice. People in poor and minority communities have claimed for years that environmental toxins have made their people ill or caused early and excess deaths, and perhaps even now there is no way for the "experts" really know. Unfortunately, when there is uncertainty about an environmental problem, it seems that the benefit of doubt always goes to the polluter and not to the people making the complaints. |
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Perhaps with TOSC's assistance, we will get to see a map of the deaths. The state had promised the Environmental Protection Agency this information about the actual locations and dates of deaths the summer of 1997, but still has not provided this information, although it is in its computer database that could easily provide this information.